Corte Suprema decidió que el caso "La Centralita" sea derivado a la Sala Penal Nacional en Lima

Para ver la resolución:

CS_D_RSSP_26042014 La Centralita.pdf by sofiabloem

Fuente Poder Judicial Perú.

HACE UN SIGLO, EL INFIERNO

Hace exactamente un siglo, el 28 de junio de 1914, se produjo el gravísimo incidente que serviría de detonante a la Primera Guerra Mundial: el asesinato del archiduque Francisco Fernando, heredero del trono del Imperio austro-húngaro, y de su esposa Sofía. El atentado se produjo en Sarajevo, capital de los territorios de Bosnia y Herzegovina, que la monarquía gobernante de Austria-Hungría mantenía bajo ocupación jurídicamente provisional y que pretendía anexar definitivamente a sus dominios.

Los autores del atentado fueron un grupo de jóvenes nacionalistas serbios manipulados por la inteligencia militar serbia, que probablemente actuaba a espaldas de su gobierno. Serbia era entonces un país naciente, desgajado del dominio otomano, que aspiraba a unificar en un Estado a los “eslavos del sur”. Bosnia y Herzegovina eran precisamente territorios habitados por eslavos que hablaban la misma lengua que los serbios, aunque en gran parte diferían de ellos en religión. Esta compartida identidad eslava cobijaba una tenaz oposición a la anexión de estos territorios, en inevitable condición subordinada, a un imperio dominado por la etnia de lengua alemana, asociada a la nación húngara, como era Austria-Hungría

Tras todo ello, se jugaba el interés por el dominio de los Balcanes, una gran península europea situada entre el Mediterráneo, el Mar Negro y Europa central, donde el secular dominio otomano había crujido, dejando un vacío de poder que esperaban llenar otras grandes potencias, entre las cuales competían, en primer lugar, Austria-Hungría y Rusia, dos de los más caracterizados imperios europeos, surgidos como potencias tras las guerras napoleónicas y el Congreso de Viena, que configuró la repartición del poder en el viejo continente. Las nuevas naciones recién surgidas eran muy débiles y carecían de toda posibilidad de juego autónomo.

Pero el conflicto de los Balcanes ya no podía ser un conflicto de alcance localizado y limitado. Las potencias europeas habían tejido una densa red de alianzas que obligaban a compromisos militares ineludibles en aras de la seguridad de cada aliado. De tal manera,todos los conflictos en los cuales estuvieran involucradas las potencias europeas estaban conectados, tanto en Europa como fuera de ella, como ya se había visto en las graves tensiones generadas por la competencia colonialista

Si Austria-Hungría aspiraba a anexarse Bosnia y Herzegovina, y contaba con el respaldo de una estrecha alianza militar con el Imperio alemán, en tanto que este mantenía una alianza con el maltrecho pero siempre aguerrido Imperio otomano, la pequeña y débil Serbia, firmemente irrendentista, contaba con el respaldo incondicional del Imperio ruso, que aspiraba a jugar un rol de poder en los Balcanes desplazando a Austria-Hungría. A su vez, el zar tenía una alianza militar con Francia, y esta con el Imperio británico.

El equilibrio precario de la política europea se sustentaba en enormes ejércitos armados durante décadas, cuya efectividad dependía de la rapidez y contundencia con que asestaran el primer golpe. Todos sabían que una vez echado a andar el mecanismo de movilización militar, era difícil dar marcha atrás. Aún se discute hasta qué punto las potencias eran conscientes de esto cuando Austria-Hungría respondió al asesinato de su príncipe heredero con un ultimátum humillante e inaceptable para Serbia. Un mes después, toda Europa, y luego medio mundo, ardía en una conflagración que acabó con esos imperios arrogantes pero también con decenas de millones de vidas.

"LA GUERRA QUE PRODUJO DIEZ MILLONES DE MUERTES.

El Archive of Modern Conflict London difundió imágenes inéditas al cumplirse 100 años del asesinato del archiduque Francisco Fernando, heredero al trono austrohúngaro, en Sarajevo, que desencadenó, cinco semanas después, la Primera Guerra Mundial. Ese crimen ocurrió un 28 de junio de 1924".

Artículo de Ronald Gamarra publicado en Diario16, el día domingo 29 de junio de 2014.

Fuente Diario16: http://diario16.pe/columnista/42/ronald-gamarra/3396/hace-un-siglo-infierno

UNESCO subraya falta de progreso en reducir la desescolarización

Un estudio de la UNESCO divulgado este jueves refleja que 58 millones de niños de entre 6 y 11 años de edad a nivel mundial no van a la escuela, lo que representa un escaso avance respecto de 2007.

Los datos del Instituto de Estadísticas de esa organización de la ONU revelan además que el 43% de esa población, o 15 millones de niñas y 10 millones de niños, es muy probable que nunca tengan ocasión de sentarse en un aula si se mantienen las tendencias actuales.

La falta de avance en la escolarización a nivel global se debe en gran medida al fuerte alza de población en el África subsahariana, donde residen unos 30 millones de menores que no van a la escuela.

El estudio de la UNESCO señala además que 63 millones de adolescentes no acudían a centros de enseñanza en 2012 y la mayor parte de ellos residían en países del Sur y el Oeste asiático y en África subsahariana.

A pesar de esas cifras globales, 17 países han conseguido avances sustantivos y han reducido la cifra de menores sin escolarizar en casi un 90% en poco más de una década, con medidas que incluyen la abolición de tasas, ayudas a familias pobres y mejoras en los planes de estudio.

fs-28-out-of-school-children-sp.pdf by sofiabloem

Fuente ONU Radio: http://www.unmultimedia.org/radio/spanish/2014/06/unesco-subraya-falta-de-progreso-en-reducir-la-desescolarizacion/#.U61Ql_l5OT8

Unesco: http://www.uis.unesco.org/FactSheets/Documents/fs-28-out-of-school-children-sp.pdf

ONU da luz verde a un código vinculante para terminar con la impunidad de las transnacionales

Pese al voto en contra de Estados Unidos, Japón, Corea del Sur y de los países de la Unión Europea, el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU ha aprobado hoy 26 de junio una resolución que establece la creación de un grupo de trabajo de cara a establecer normas vinculantes que obliguen a las empresas transnacionales a rendir cuentas por sus actividades.La propuesta, encabezada por Ecuador y Sudáfrica, ha contado con el aval de una mayoría de este consejo, e implica que en 2015 eche a andar este grupo, antes de la 30ª sesión de dicho consejo. Erika González, de OMAL-Paz con Dignidad, valora la decisión tomada hoy como "un buen primer paso" para "desmantelar el poder coorporativo" y establecer "normas que terminen con su impunidad".

Un paso que termina con la política que hasta ahora había avalado la ONU, que establecía códigos de cumplimiento voluntario, como el llamado Global Compact o los principios establecidos en 2011, que no establecían la obligatoriedad que asegurase el cumplimiento de los derechos humanos por parte de las principales empresas transnacionales. La medida ha sido posible gracias al esfuerzo de Ecuador y Sudáfrica, que han aprovechado la composición del Consejo en esta sesión. El Consejo de Derechos Humanos es rotatorio, y en esta sesión --la 26ª--, el equilibrio favorecía a los países del sur global, de modo que, como indica González, "bien trabajada era posible" sacar adelante esta resolución. El resultado ha sido 20 votos a favor de la creación del grupo, 13 abstenciones y 14 negativas. A pesar de todo, las organizaciones de la sociedad civil reunidas en Ginebra señalan la fuerte presión de los países del Norte para que no saliese adelante el grupo de trabajo propuesto, que se ha traducido, según la portavoz de Omal-Paz con Dignidad, en las abstenciones de Argentina y Brasil.

Junto a la labor de despachos de Ecuador y Sudáfrica, la presión de más de 500 organizaciones reunidas en Ginebra en el Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos ha sido una de las claves, según González, para que comience a ponerse coto a la impunidad de las transnacionales. "Hemos sistematizado la violación de derechos humanos con casos recientes", resume. Asimismo, se ha producido, indica González, una campaña fuerte de incidencia sobre los Gobiernos en este consejo, gracias a la cual se han podido salvar los obstáculos que los países más poderosos han puesto para mantener la "arquitectura jurídica de la impunidad" construida en torno a las transnacionales.

Fuente Diagonal Global: https://www.diagonalperiodico.net/global/23316-la-onu-da-luz-verde-codigo-vinculante-para-terminar-con-la-impunidad-transnacionales

Informe especial: La verdad, la justicia y la reconciliación

Análisis de como algunos países del mundo, afectados por la guerra civil o el conflicto armado interno, se han acercado a la justicia.

Anti-apartheid protests in Soweto in 1976 in which more than 100 people were killed and more than 1,000 injured. Photograph: Keystone/Getty Images

When Gerry Adams was released without charge last month after questioning over the 1972 killing of Jean McConville, the Sinn Féin president said the case highlighted the need for a victim-led truth and reconciliation process to lay to rest the legacy of the Troubles. Here we examine how other countries that have lived through civil war or internal conflict have approached the issue of transitional justice and reparations, and to what degree they have been successful in underpinning a lasting peace

South Africa

After the feast of liberation came the reckoning. Emerging from decades of racial apartheid, a form of legalised discrimination in which thousands died and millions were marginalised, South Africa's first democratic government set up a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC). Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who chaired it, described it as "an incubation chamber for national healing, reconciliation and forgiveness", and to many around the world it remains the gold standard.

Sitting in the late 1990s, the TRC illuminated horrors committed under white minority rule. Victims gave harrowing testimony of being jailed and tortured, and families described how their loved ones were killed or disappeared. They looked perpetrators in the face as they confessed their crimes, lured by the promise of an amnesty for politically motivated violence. Uniquely, the cathartic hearings were open to the public and broadcast on TV.

"I think it was overwhelmingly successful in what it set out to achieve," said Albie Sachs, a former African National Congress (ANC) activist who lost an arm and eye in a bombing by apartheid agents. "It didn't set out to reconcile everybody in South Africa. That'll only happen when we end up having real equality in, say, work, housing, health and education, and that's taking time.

It had to deal with sources of extreme pain that were being denied, to bring it out into the open. It had to enable people to discover the bodies of members of their families who'd been secretly buried, to get the bones, to give a dignified funeral, to discover the last moments."

The TRC heard confessions from more than 7,000 perpetrators and took about 20,000 statements from victims. It found the ANC's armed struggle was legitimate, but that some acts carried out during that struggle were not. This angered some in the ANC but Sachs, a former constitutional court judge and an architect of South Africa's post-apartheid constitution, said: "It had to involve a degree of acknowledgment by those who'd done terrible things, not only on the side of the regime but also members of the ANC, to which I belonged. We'd done bad things. We had to come clean on that.

"To me, the most important part of the truth commission was not the report, itwas the seeing on television of the tears, the laments, the stories, the acknowledgements. As one political scientist put it, what the truth commission did was convert knowledge into acknowledgment."

Nelson Mandela thanked the TRC for doing a "magnificent job", but acknowledged its imperfections. Some victims felt bitter as they watched self-confessed murderers walk free and did not receive promised compensation. Some believe Mandela and the TRC were too forgiving and that white people continue to reap the rewards of apartheid.

In the Mail & Guardian last month, Tutu lamented how Mandela's successors had left TRC business "scandalously unfinished". He said: "By unfinished business, I refer specifically to the fact that the level of reparation recommended by the commission was not enacted; the proposal of a once-off wealth tax as a mechanism to effect the transfer of resources was ignored, and those who were declined amnesty were not prosecuted.

"Healing is a process. How we deal with the truth after its telling defines the success of the process. And this is where we have fallen tragically short. By choosing not to follow through on the commission's recommendations, government not only compromised the commission's contribution to the process, but the very process itself."

Jesús Muñecas Aguilar, 77, accused of beating Andoni Arrizabalaga in 1969, walked free in April. Photograph: Pierre-Philippe Marcou/AFP

Spain

When Andoni Arrizabalaga's family visited him in the police barracks after his arrest in 1969, he had been so brutally beaten that they could barely recognise him. "That's what happens when you refuse to cooperate," they were told.

The former Civil Guard police officer accused of beating him, Jesús Muñecas Aguilar, 77, walked free from a Madrid court in April. "I never even met the man," Muñecas told the judges. They were not interested, however, in the details of whether he had been a torturer. As far as they were concerned, however, the alleged beating took place 45 years ago and so any offence would have lapsed.

Spanish judges' hands are doubly tied when it comes to investigating the thugs who served General Francisco Franco's rightwing dictatorship. Abuses not covered by the statute of limitation are protected by an amnesty law passed two years after Franco's death. Politicians anxious not to place Spain's fragile new democracy under stress, tacitly agreed to sweep the past under the carpet in what became known as the "pact of forgetting".

The pact began to fall apart a decade ago as campaigners started to search for and dig up mass graves, but the 1977 amnesty law means no official has ever been tried for what the lawyer Carlos Slepoy calls brutal and systematic repression. "What we want to do is prove these tortures were part of a wider plan," he said. That would allow cases to be treated as crimes against humanity which, under international human rights law, could not lapse or be covered by an amnesty. About 350 victims, including leftwing activists and former armed Basque separatists such as Arrizabalaga, have joined forces to try to prove the torture was systematic.

Resistance to investigating the crimes of the Franco era is deeply embedded in Spain's judiciary. Baltasar Garzón, the crusading Spanish magistrate famous for pursuing Latin American human rights abusers, was reprimanded by the supreme court for trying to circumvent the amnesty law to bring a case against senior Francoist officials in 2012. He has since been temporarily expelled from the judiciary in a separate case, and this year the conservative government of Mariano Rajoyforced through a law designed to kill off Spanish investigations into human rights abuses in China, Guantánamo and elsewhere.

Garzón's trailblazing has nevertheless proved key in pursuing Franco's torturers, and the process has been taken up by María Servini de Cubríaan investigating magistrate based 6,200 miles away in Buenos Aires. Muñecas was in court last month because Servini had asked for his extradition. Her request followed a precedent set by Garzón set in the Augusto Pinochet case, which saw the ex-dictator arrested in London and his extradition approved by the law lords before the then home secretary, Jack Straw, used his powers to send him home. That case, and others Garzón pursued, established the right of foreign courts to try human rights cases when domestic courts are stopped from doing so.

A portrait of Kaing Guek Eav is displayed in the among prisoners at Tuol Sleng prison in Phnom Penh, 1999. Photograph: Ou Neakiry/AP

Servini's request to extradite Muñecas was rejected in part because the Spanish judges did not accept that the beatings were part of a systematic plan. "If we can change that, there is a chance cases may even be tried in Spain," said Slepoy. The family of Arrizabalaga and those of hundreds morevictims hope that will be the case. If so, they say, those responsible for Francoist repression may also soon find themselves on trial.

Cambodia

It was heralded as the most important trial since the Nazis were confronted at Nuremberg, an opportunity to ask the men who orchestrated the deaths of nearly 2 million Cambodians a simple question: Why?

The extraordinary chambers of the courts of Cambodia (ECCC) began sitting in 2006 and have so far cost more than $200m, but the tribunal has been plagued with charges of corruption, obstruction and interference; and judges and investigators have resigned. It has produced just one verdict in eight years, convicting Kaing Guek Eav, aka Comrade Duch, of crimes against humanity, and sentencing him to life imprisonment. Kaing oversaw the Tuol Sleng prison where an estimated 15,000 Cambodians were tortured and executed.

During the Khmer Rouge's murderous reign from 1975 to 1979, men, women and children were marched out of their schools and homes all over Cambodia and sent to rural work camps under re-education programmes. Many died of disease and starvation. Others were detained in overcrowded centres, tortured and executed as part of a programme to create a communist agrarian utopia. By the time Vietnam liberated the nation, a quarter of the population had been killed.

For many Cambodians, reconciling the past is impossible while former Khmer Rouge cadres still act as government ministers and head the armed forces. The prime minister, Hun Sen, is a former Khmer Rouge commander. Many survivors have tried to forget their childhood by refusing to talk about it, while those who actively search out answers can find themselves harassed, detained and threatened by the state.

It took nearly 10 years from the UN's offer of help in 1997 to establish a hybrid court, manned by Cambodian and international judges and prosecutors. It was hoped that senior Khmer Rouge members would be tried for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Many of the former cadres closest to Hun, however, including the senate president, Chea Sim, and the national assembly chairman, Heng Samrin, have been prevented from testifying, apparently to avoid embarrassing the government.

Such obstructions do not necessarily render the entire process a sham, as some critics have said. "Justice is extremely important," said Youk Chhang, who survived the Khmer Rouge and now heads theDocumentation Centre of Cambodia. "It is the most important thing for a country like Cambodia. Nobody wants to live with the past. The whole point of the tribunal is to move on."

The court's plodding proceedings mean time is running out to deliver sentences and find answers. Of the four senior figures on trial under the current case, 002, one has already died and another has been declared mentally unfit to stand trial. That leaves just Pol Pot's righthand man, Nuon Chea, now 87, and the former head of state, Khieu Samphan, 82. Both are weak and unwell. The ECCC expects case 002 to take another year, and hearings for cases 003 and 004 have been delayed.

Relatives of disappeared political prisoners demand justice at rallies in Santiago, 1985. Photograph: Julio Etchart

For some victims, the trial has thrown up perhaps the most pressing question of all: what constitutes justice?

"Justice is so much more than whether Khieu Samphan or Nuon Chea have lawyers defending them," said Theary Seng, a human rights lawyer who lost both his parents in the genocide. "I and other victims never demanded nor expected perfect justice. What the Khmer Rouge tribunal is producing now is beyond the pale of anything resembling justice. To the contrary, the farce, the deceit, is damaging and is laying the dangerous groundwork for future instability and impunity."

Chile

During the 17 years that Augusto Pinochet ruled Chile, at least 3,000 people were killed or disappeared and 35,000 were tortured, but a semblance of legality survived and kindled a national movement for reconciliation and truth.

Today, dozens of former secret police officers are imprisoned, 350 human rights investigations remain open and the nation is governed by Michelle Bachelet, herself a torture victim. The most recent nomination to the Chilean supreme court is Carlos Cerda, a judge who made his name fighting for victims of human rights abuses. "He was maybe the only one who dared confront the criminal power that was the dictatorship's repression and genocide," said Lorena Pizzaro, who heads a group whose relatives were disappeared.

Pinochet's successor, Patricio Aylwin, created a human rights commission to investigate and quantify the abuse soon after he was elected in 1990. Their mission was to shine a light into the darkest corners of state-sponsored murder. Thousands of cases were validated and formed the basis of a national discussion on how to prevent tit-for-tat vengeance.

Aylwin also set up a secret intelligence squad to capture the underground guerrilla groups that had grown weary of waiting for justice and begun to assassinate former Pinochet aides including the senator and law professor Jaime Guzmán, a law professor, who was shot dead as he left the Catholic University of Chile.

The secret squad was led by Marcelo Schilling, a socialist leader and former bodyguard to Salvador Allende. It was a controversial operation that Schilling today defines as a success. "Today there are no armed groups and the businessmen walk around without bodyguards. Democracy is not in check," he said. "All that was achieved with total respect for individual liberties and human rights."

Clandestine guerrilla groups ridicule Schilling's version, and say he oversaw a brief but illegal dirty war in which rebel leaders were bribed or executed.

Inmates waiting to be tranfered to a gacaca court session in relation to the 1994 genocide. Photograph: Thomas Lohnes/AFP/Getty Images

Few Chileans, however, seemed to have acquired a taste for vengeance. Political violence was minimal in the years after Pinochet. Instead, there was a quest for justice.

The collective amnesty Pinochet had granted was overturned on the basis that if the regime had kidnapped or disappeared citizens but never handed over the bodies, then the cases could be defined as ongoing and so exempt from immunity. This allowed investigators to force testimony from retired officials with knowledge of human rights crimes. Nearly 100 were convicted.

However, attempts to bring Pinochet to justice failed. His title of senator for life shielded him from Chilean justice. The Spanish magistrate Baltazar Garzón indicted him for human rights violations, and he was arrested in London in 1998. The British government released him on medical grounds in 2000 and he returned to Chile, where a constitutional amendment gave him further protection. Pinochet spent his last years surrounded by lawyers, but died a free man at 91 without having been convicted of any crimes.

Rwanda

The scale of the Rwandan genocide, in which 800,000 people were murdered in 100 days, demanded a unique response if there was to be any hope of reconciliation. It came in the form of village courts known asgacaca after the grass on which they were held, a grand experiment in popular justice that ran for a decade with locally elected judges hearing an estimated 1.9 million cases.

Former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 2008 in the Hague. Photograph: Serge Ligtenberg/Getty Images

Trials were held in public, giving survivors the chance to confront alleged perpetrators in full view of their families and neighbours. Defendants faced penalties including life imprisonment and hard labour, but were given shorter sentences in exchange for confessing and were encouraged to seek forgiveness.

"There was a feeling that everyday Rwandans needed to feel involved in the process," said Phil Clark, author of The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda. "It was a way of doing intimate justice for what was a very intimate crime. It was incredibly successful at coming to terms with the very specific crimes committed in communities. There was a lot more clarity about the past. It recognised the role of everyday perpetrators, that the genocide wasn't just committed by the elites in Kigali."

The courts closed in 2012, though according to Clark "the process of reconciliation continues today but informally. Nearly all the perpetrators convicted through gacaca now live alongside survivors. Most communities are peaceful, but people are still working through the issues raised at gacaca. Churches, micro-credit cooperatives and other non-government actors play an important role in continuing to facilitate reconciliation, building on the work done at gacaca. But, generally, people are doing this for themselves."

There were also pragmatic reasons for gacaca. The official judicial system would have been overwhelmed by the caseload. Critics, however, said the courts fell short of international legal standards. According to Human Rights Watch, there were limitations on the ability of the accused to defend themselves effectively; numerous instances of intimidation and corruption of defence witnesses and judges; and flawed decision-making by inadequately trained lay judges. "In addition, gacaca did not deliver on its promises of reparations for genocide survivors. Survivors received no compensation from the state, and little restitution and often overly formulaic apologies from confessed or convicted perpetrators, casting doubt on the sincerity of some of these confessions," Human Rights Watch concluded. "While gacaca may have served as a first step … it did not manage to dispel distrust between many perpetrators and survivors."

Unlike South Africa's truth and reconciliation commission, which dealt with atrocities on all sides, gacaca focused specifically on the genocide against the Tutsis, which meant the accused were almost exclusively Hutu. Fanie du Toit, the executive director of the South African-based Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, said: "There's also a Hutu narrative that's not genocidal. Perpetrators and victims are living together. The question is: is there simmering resentment there? There is no room for expressing that, but that's not to say there won't be in the future."

Bosnia

The question of justice was not completely ignored, but it was set deliberately to one side in the negotiations that led to the Dayton peace accords in November 1995. Parties to the conflict were called on to cooperate with the international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague, but there were no sanctions for failure to comply, and the Nato-led peacekeeping force was under no obligation to find indicted war criminals.

For more than 18 months, Nato troops pretended not to see the indictees. They were under instructions only to detain them if they came across them "in the course of their normal duties". Over time, however, it became clear that peace and justice were not mutually exclusive. Civilian and military peacekeepers found the continued impunity of the likes Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic was poisoning the peace.

A unique chance to break down the ethnic divide that crippled the country may have been lost because of a fear of casualties and mission creep in the pursuit of those known in US military jargon as "persons indicted for war crimes" or PIFWCs.

"Our effectiveness in Bosnia suffered because we did not get aggressive about PIFWCs," said General Montgomery Meigs, a former commander of Nato's stabilisation force. "In the first two years, the Croat and Serb factions were very fragile … Commanders didn't see the PFWICs as a strategic threat and it allowed factions to reassert their control. It was a first-class strategic error."

By summer 1997 the error had been realised, and Nato began arresting suspects. The campaign began with lowly cogs in the machine, camp guards and footsoldiers, while Karadzic and Mladic slipped away to Serbia. Karadzic was caught in 2008, Mladic in 2011.

In the eyes of many Bosnian Muslims, the main victims of the slaughter, justice delayed was justice denied. They were furious that big fish were allowed up to 15 more years of liberty. That feeling of a lack of reckoning has been deepened by recent ICTY acquittals of three figures in Belgrade who played a pivotal role in Serb military operations.

Despite the acquittals, Serbs have continued to see the court as an exercise in one-sided justice. They point to the small number of convictions of defendants charged with crimes against Serbs.

The ICTY trials have laid down a record of the mass murder in Bosnia for future generations and historians, but it has not been accepted as a common narrative among all Bosnia's communities. In the Serb-run half of the country, the school syllabus ends in 1992, and the war is vaguely referred to as a bad time when all sides did bad things. In some of the sites of the worst atrocities against Bosniaks, Serbs have erected monuments to their own fallen soldiers with no mention of the war crimes they committed. In the absence of a shared history, Bosniak, Serb and Croat communities drift further apart.

Colombia

For 30 years, Colombia has been generous with leftwing rebels and rightwing paramilitaries, granting amnesties, pardons and reduced sentences. Demands for justice and reparations for victims were, however, generally ignored in the name of peace.

Today some former rebels are mayors, senators and academics. Dozens of paramilitary commanders, responsible for thousands of murders in the 1990s, are due to leave prison this year at the end of eight-year terms after confessing to their most atrocious crimes.

The current peace talks with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc), the country's oldest and most powerful guerrillas, are different. An offer of impunity is impossible, as the peace process is the first in Colombia negotiated under international criminal court rules. The talks in Havana are widely seen as the best chance to put an end to half a century of conflict that has cost more than 200,000 lives.

"Sweeping heinous crimes under the rug is no longer a viable option for governments and armed groups seeking to strike a deal," said José Miguel Vivanco, the Americas director for Human Rights Watch. "Just as impunity has enabled violence and atrocities for decades in Colombia, sustainable peace won't be possible without holding accountable perpetrators of the worst abuses, such as rape, disappearances and torture."

Officially, the issue of what will happen to demobilised guerrillas charged with crimes is still to be discussed at the negotiating table, but the issues of peace and justice have been at the centre of the national debate since the talks began in October 2012. "There is consensus that the rights of victims have to be respected. The problem is how to do that," said Rodrigo Uprimny, the director of the DeJusticia thinktank.

As Farc and government negotiators began discussions on the issue of victims, the two sides issued a declaration of principles recognising the right to be recognised and to receive reparations, to know the truth and receive guarantees that such atrocities will never happen again.

But Amnesty International pointed out that the document excludes any commitment to bring to justice those who displaced, tortured, killed, abducted, disappeared or raped millions of Colombians over the past five decades. Those details will presumably be part of the final agreement but the formula of transitional justice that will be agreed is still uncertain.

Farc leaders in Havana have made it clear they do not expect to do jail time. "Never has a peace process ended with prison terms for its protagonists, the constructors of peace," said the rebel negotiator Andrés París.

Anticipating a peace deal with the Farc, the government has established an outline of a transitional justice process. It would allow for sentence reduction and alternatives to prison, and let prosecutors focus on those found "most responsible" for atrocities and to concentrate their efforts on the most serious and representative
crimes.

Critics say the Colombian state is obliged to investigate and prosecute. Others, however, say trying to pursue every crime would lead to de facto impunity because the justice system could not handle so many cases.

President Juan Manuel Santos, re-elected in June to a second term, denies impunity is on the table, but says demanding full punishment would derail peace. "If you ask a victim today he would lean towards having more justice," said Santos. "If you ask a future victim, he will lean more towards peace."

• This article was amended on Wednesday 25 June 2014 to update the section on Colombia.

Fuente The Guardian: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/24/truth-justice-reconciliation-civil-war-conflict?CMP=twt_gu

Equipo de Incidencia en Derecho reconoce el concepto de "Todas las Familias en diferentes contextos"

El Equipo de Incidencia en Derecho ha dirigido al Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, con ocasión del vigésimo aniversario del Año INternacional de la Familia, y sumándonos a la camapaña internacional en favor del reconocimiento de los derechos del niño en todo acto de los Estados.

Carta a RREE family concept.pdf by sofiabloem

Fuente Equipo de Incidencia en Derecho.

Colombia: ONU aplaude nueva ley de reparación a víctimas de violencia sexual

La Representante especial de la ONU sobre violencia sexual en conflictos armados. Zainab Bangura acogió con beneplácito la adopción en Colombia de una nueva ley de aceso a lajusticia para las víctimas de ese flagelo.

La legislación sancionada el pasado 18 de junio por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos se considera histórica, porque reconoce a las víctimas de violencia sexual y dispone que obtengan una reparación.

Bangura consideró que, al establecer explícitamente que la violencia sexual puede constituir un crimen de lesa humanidad y por lo tanto que no prescribe nunca, la ley puede impulsar los esfuerzos de Colombia para hacer frente a la impunidad en el caso de esta atrocidad.

La experta destacó además que esta norma incluye delitos que no figuraban previamente en el Código Penal, como la esterilización, el embarazo y la desnudez forzadas, y añade agravantes cuando la violencia sexual se comete como una forma de revancha o intimidación de personas defensoras de derechos humanos.

Bangura aplaudió, asimismo, las disposiciones relativas a la protección, a la reparación integral, al apoyo psicosocial y a la atención médica gratuita para las víctimas, así como la precisión de que los delitos de violencia sexual no podrán ser investigados por tribunales militares.

Fuente ONU Radio: http://www.un.org/spanish/News/story.asp?newsID=29797#.U6th4vl5OT8

España. Auto del juez Castro para procesar a la infanta Cristina por el ‘caso Nóos’

231242619 Auto Instr3 25 Junio Parte1 PDF by sofiabloem

231242620 Auto Instr3 25 Junio Parte2 PDF by sofiabloem

Fuente Público: http://www.publico.es/estaticos/htmls/auto-noos-25-junio-pdf-_1.html

El millonario lucro de Laureate en Perú que reafirma los cuestionamientos a su modelo en Chile

Una serie de reportajes en el país vecino reveló que la Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), de la que es dueña el holding educacional Laureate, es el plantel más lucrativo de todo el sistema peruano con más de $40 millones de dólares de ganancia sólo en 2012. La información es considerada clave por el diputado Mario Venegas, presidente de la Comisión de Educación, para la investigación que se realiza en Chile, mientras que los estudiantes de la Universidad Andrés Bello aseguran que los datos de Perú confirman sus sospechas sobre cómo opera Laureate en nuestro país.

El pasado 25 de noviembre, el sistema universitario peruano sufrió un remezón. Ese día se hizo público el estado financiero de 2012 de la Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), manejada por Laureate, que al finalizar ese año generó utilidades por 110 millones de soles peruanos; es decir, 21 mil millones de pesos chilenos o unos 40 millones de dólares. La cifra es casi calcada al superávit que tuvo en Chile en el año 2012 sólo por la Universidad Andrés Bello (Unab) y que fue de $21.345.527. 

La revelación, realizada por el medio Corresponsales.pe a través de la plataformaUnileaks, removió a Perú, que en las semanas siguientes vio la publicación de los estados financieros de las otras cuatro universidades que más dinero recibían por sus operaciones, en medio de un mercado que no tiene ningún tipo de regulación estatal.

La publicación dejó además en evidencia el millonario negocio de Laureate -dueños de la UPC en Lima  y en Chile de cuatro universidades y dos institutos profesionales- y alertó a la Cámara de Diputados chilena que va a recoger estos antecedentes para incorporarlos a su investigación sobre el lucro. Así lo confirmó a The Clinic Online el presidente de la Comisión de Educación de la Cámara de Diputados, Mario Venegas, quien al ser contactado por este medio se mostró sorprendido por el monto de la ganancia, pero no por la práctica de Laureate.

“Teníamos alguna información de conducta similar de lucro en otros lugares del mundo donde este grupo tienen universidades, así es que esto no hace más que confirmar que este no es un grupo educacional, sino de inversión. Los antecedentes de Perú esperamos que sirvan para la investigación que se está realizando en Chile sobre el lucro porque no es un antecedente menor y nosotros como Cámara de Diputados evidentemente los vamos a tener presente”, subrayó Venegas.

En tanto Sebastián Muñoz, presidente del centro de alumnos de Derecho de la Universidad Andrés Bello -una de las casas de estudios que fue adquirida por Laureate- agregó que “esto confirma lo que venimos sosteniendo desde principios de año. Acá hay una política de negocios del grupo controlador, que hoy nos tiene con cuatro investigaciones en curso:  la del el SII, la de la Fiscalía Oriente, de la Comisión de Educación y del Ministerio de Educación”.

Hoy, a las 12:30 horas saldrán a la calle nuevamente, en una manifestación contra el lucro y Laureate, desde la calle República hasta el Parque Almagro. 

EL CASO PERUANO 

En Perú hoy coexisten 139 universidades, donde está permitido el lucro y los rectores y dueños de planteles se oponen a la entrada de una Superintendencia que fiscalice y regule el sistema universitario peruano.

Este sistema rige desde 1996 cuando el entonces presidente Alberto Fujimori aprobó el Decreto Legislativo 882, que aprobó la creación de universidades con fines de lucro en ese país. A 18 años del decreto, el número de planteles de educación superior privados aumentó explosivamente y comenzaron a capturar año a año cada vez más estudiantes llegando a concentrar aproximadamente el 70% de toda la matrícula.

Fue en este escenario cuando en 2004 el fondo internacional de inversiones Laureate International compró el 80% de la UPC, entidad privada con buen prestigio hasta entonces dentro del sistema. Con presencia actual en 29 países y más de 75 instituciones, el fondo ingresó al mercado vecino.

A esa altura, Laureate ya estaba completamente instalado en Chile: cuatro años antes, el fondo internacional pasó a controlar Desarrollo del Conocimiento S.A, holding dueño de la Universidad de Las Américas, por la suma de 26 millones de dólares, y tres años más tarde compró el 80% de las acciones de la Universidad Nacional Andrés Bello y los institutos profesionales AIEP y la Escuela Moderna de Música, por otros 37 millones de dólares.

Según el holding, la adquisición de la UPC se debió a su “liderazgo y prestigio” para formar parte de su innovador proyecto educativo a nivel mundial. Sin embargo, y tal como ocurre en Chile, la buena fama del plantel se esfumó.

Jorge Mori, fundador de Corresponsales.pe, señala que la entrada del grupo en Perú es fruto de que ambos países comparten el modelo de “negocio” en el sistema educativo universitario y eso ha impactado directamente en la calidad de la educación. “Hoy nos llegan denuncias de padres albañiles que nos cuentan que sus hijos ganan la mitad que ellos aunque son abogados titulados por esos planteles”, cuenta.

La publicación de su estado financiero, auditado por la consultora PriceWaterhouse Couper, la misma que se ha visto involucrada en el caso La Polar, impactó de lleno en la aprobación de una nueva Ley Universitaria, que busca asegurar calidad académica y transparentar sus cuentas.

Pero el tema no quedó ahí. El partido Fuerza Popular, que apoyó a Keiko Fujimori en las elecciones presidenciales de 2011, acusó a Jorge Mori Valenzuela por violar presuntamente el secreto tributario de las universidades particulares. 

Mori, sin embargo, se defiende de no haber violado ninguna norma ya que la información, tanto de la UPC como de otras cuatro universidades que fueron reveladas, fueron solicitadas vía transparencia a la Superintendencia del Mercado de Valores de ese país.

“En Perú tienes grupos empresariales como Laureate, muy cercanos a las grupos de poder, que son los grandes enemigos de la reforma, porque el gran negocio de Laureate en Perú es la desregulación absoluta. En ese escenario, obviamente lo que domina el sistema es el marketing que ellos puedan ofrecer. Y en verdad es el negocio perfecto. Yo no sé si en otro país de América Latina sea tan fácil hacer negocios como en el Perú. Y Laureate a través de todo su lobby mediático ha sabido muy bien neutralizar todo intento de reforma”, dice Mori.

Actualmente asesor del parlamentario Daniel Mora, presidente de la Comisión de Educación del Congreso peruano, cuenta que de la manera en que están reguladas estas universidades, el sistema va en franca descomposición. Algo de esto se pudo detener el año 2012, cuando la aprobación de la llamada “Ley de Moratoria” estableció que durante cinco años no pudieran crearse más universidades.

“Desde entonces, se ha detenido la creación de unas 40 universidades, aunque no han sido pocos los intentos por derogar esta ley y volver a permitir que se creen más y más universidades. O sea, no hay límite a la estafa que están sufriendo miles y miles de jóvenes peruanos”, dice

LO QUE PASA EN CHILE 

De las 139 universidades existentes en Perú, 89 son privadas: 49 de ellas con fines de lucro y 40 sin fines de lucro. Mori dice que es un sistema “absolutamente desbordado, del que el Estado no tiene ninguna capacidad de control. Por eso en los últimos años lo que hemos intentado es evidenciar la problemática del Perú”, donde, por ejemplo, se ha denunciado que algunas universidades imparten clases sobre un mercado. 

Actualmente, el congresista Daniel Mora, impulsa una nueva ley para derogar ese decreto y crear una Superintendencia, que reemplace a la Asociación Nacional de Rectores (ANR), y permita fiscalizar el sistema e investigarlo.

“En realidad, lo que va a evitar que se creen nuevas universidades con fines de lucro y que las que ya existen no tengan el blindaje que hoy día tienen. Ellos aducen que la inversión privada tiene una protección constitucional que está por encima incluso del derecho a una educación de calidad. Por eso esta nueva ley busca invertir esta situación”, cuenta Mori, asesor del parlamentario de Perú Posible, el partido fundado por el ex presidente peruano Alejandro Toledo.

Aunque la ley que promueve el diputado que apoya Mori es un primer paso, la idea del también creador de la Fundación Universidad Coherente es que ella sea el primer paso para luego ir directo contra el lucro.

Esto, dado que la divulgación de estos reportajes incluso motivó la contratación de lobbistas para impedir que esta nueva ley vea la luz. El 20 de mayo pasado, el mismo medio reveló la contratación de un lobbista no registrado -en Perú el lobby es legal- por un grupo de universidades católicas que se oponen a la Superintendencia.

En Chile, mientras tanto, sigue la investigación por posible evasión tributaria del holding Laureate. Hace cuatro días el director del SII, Michael Jorratt, señaló que enunos dos meses podría acabar la investigación que ese organismo lleva adelante por el traspaso de 80 millones de dólares desde sus planteles chilenos entre los años 2011 y 2013.

A ello se suman las críticas que suman desde el año 2011 y que este año han protagonizado sus propios alumnos, quienes incluso pidieron públicamente que el fondo dejara de administrar sus universidades y se fuera del país.

Sin embargo, sus representantes han rechazado constantemente estos cuestionamientos. En mayo pasado, el rector de la Universidad Andrés Bello señaló que en Chile existe un slogan que habla del lucro y que nadie se ha dedicado a investigar

Fuente The Clinic: http://www.theclinic.cl/2014/06/06/el-millonario-lucro-de-laureate-en-peru-que-reafirma-los-cuestionamientos-a-su-modelo-en-chile/